Africa’s Efforts for Security Council Reform at UNGA81 Remain Unresolved
As the 81st UN General Assembly convenes, longstanding calls for reform of the United Nations Security Council resonate across the African continent. With discussions centering on the need for permanent representation for Africa, leaders emphasize the importance of inclusivity in a body that has not evolved since the end of World War II. This renewed focus not only highlights Africa’s pivotal role in global affairs but also underscores the need for a Security Council that better reflects today’s multifaceted geopolitical landscape.
Abuja, Nigeria – At the 81st UN General Assembly, Africa’s enduring quest for permanent representation on the United Nations Security Council has regained prominence, with leaders passionately advocating for reforms to a structure largely unchanged since 1945. UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, in his final address to the Assembly, reiterated the necessity for the Security Council to better represent the current geopolitical realities, advocating for a more inclusive approach.
Delivering President Bola Tinubu’s national statement, Nigeria’s Vice President Kashim Shettima urged for a commitment to grant Africa at least two permanent seats on the Council, ensuring that these slots come with veto powers, mirroring the privileges of current permanent members. Ghana’s former President John Mahama reinforced this demand, asserting that the push for Security Council reform is not merely a favor to Africa but a crucial necessity for the legitimacy and credibility of the UN as a whole.
Despite the profound significance of these demands, achieving structural amendments remains challenging, indicating a stark gap between advocacy and actionable change. The Security Council currently comprises 15 members: five permanent members—including China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States—who wield veto powers, and ten elected members serving two-year terms. Presently, not a single African nation occupies a permanent seat, even though the continent is central to many Council resolutions.
In 2025, for instance, the Council adopted 44 resolutions, 24 of which fell under Chapter VII of the UN Charter pertaining to serious measures, including sanctions. Notably, 18 of these concerns involved African issues. Professor Ibrahim Gambari, a former Nigerian foreign minister, emphasized that Africa’s absence in the Council’s permanent membership is increasingly indefensible, given the continent’s size and the scope of its involvement in international discussions.
Initiated in 2008, the intergovernmental negotiations for Security Council reform have yet to yield consensus on vital issues, including council size, regional representation, and the contentious veto power. Modifying permanent membership entails amending the UN Charter, a process requiring a two-thirds majority in the General Assembly alongside the approval of the existing permanent members, which effectively empowers them to inhibit any changes that could dilute their status or authority.
Amidst these negotiations, Nigeria has emerged as a leading candidate for a permanent seat, reinforcing its ambition at this year’s General Assembly for two seats representing Africa, with associated veto powers. Political analysts note that such a role could significantly enhance Nigeria’s diplomatic clout on the global stage, fostering a continuous African voice in international security matters.
Despite Nigeria’s assertive stance, it is not alone in this pursuit; Egypt and South Africa are also vying for permanent representation, with the African Union yet to designate specific nations for these proposed seats. The AU has consistently advocated for at least two permanent African seats and five non-permanent seats, intending to oversee the designation process.
Another vital aspect of the reform discussion revolves around the veto power. The Ezulwini Consensus, endorsed by the African Union, calls for any new permanent African members to possess the same rights as existing permanent members, allowing them to veto decisions. This raises further complexities about how expanded representation will work in practice, as adding new members without equal powers would not adequately address the existing imbalances.
The absence of African states in permanent roles hampers the Council’s daily functionality. Gambari points out that many peacekeeping efforts in Africa operate under mandates established by the Security Council, yet real influence over these resolutions typically lies with the permanent members, sidelining elected African representatives. Furthermore, the leadership of Security Council missions often lacks African representation, which could diminish the legitimacy of these missions in the eyes of local parties.
For young African leaders like Favour Aniezi, the issue transcends mere representation; it is about ensuring that African perspectives shape the decisions affecting the continent. They advocate for Africa to not only have a seat at the negotiating table but also to wield meaningful influence over the discourse and solutions proposed.
Ultimately, the essential questions concerning the number of new permanent seats, the specific nations that would occupy them, and the conditions of their veto power remain unanswered. Experts like Gambari caution that without profound reforms that reflect contemporary realities, achieving consensus will remain a formidable challenge.
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